Sunday, January 13, 2008

THE PECULIAR REVEREND SCHWERDFEGER

THE PECULIAR REVEREND SCHWERDFEGER

Two histories report that an aspiring preacher by the name of John Samuel Schwerdfeger (German for sword polisher), whose name connects with both the Bells and the Vogelers, arrived in Baltimore in the spring of 1753.

The History of Frederick County Maryland by T.J.C. Williams and Folger McKinsey (1910 reprinted in 2005 Clearfield Pub.) Vol. I at 8 notes:

"Among the curiosities of the Colonial times was the purchase of a pastor by a Lutheran congregation at York, Pa. This pastor subsequently came to the Lutheran church in Frederick, having been sent by the Pennsylvania Synod. He was the Reverend Samuel Schwerdfeger. Schwerdfeger was raised an orphan in Neustadt, in Bavaria and was a graduate of the University of Erlangen. He studied law and theology. Being very poor he was desirous to go to the New World and fell into the hands of "emigrant runners" who shipped him as a redemptioner to Baltimore. He arrived there in the spring of 1753 and was offered for sale for a term of years to pay his passage. He was advertised as 'a studious theologian.' The Lutheran congregation at York, being at the time in a contest against their old pastor, the Rev. Mr. Schaum, hearing of this bargain, concluded to buy Mr. Schwerdfeger as their pastor, which they did."

The second, well researched and documented account of the Rev. Samuel Schwerdtfeger's [note the variation inthe orthography of the spelling] remarkable and idiosyncratic career appears in Pastors and People: German Lutheran and Reformed Churches in the Pennsylvania Field, 1710-1793 by Charles H. Glatfelter, Vol. I, Pastors and Congregations (The Pennsylvania German Society, 1980 Breinigsville, PA), pp. 130-131:

"John Samuel Swerdtfeger, Lutheran. Born June 4, 1734 at (8801) Burgberheim, Bavaria. Son of a pharmacist. Matriculated as a student of theology at Erlangen, April 17, 1751. Left after a short time, possibly for financial reasons and possibly because he was advised to change his career plans. May have been counseled to become a scrivener.

Went to England, where to obtain passage to America he apparently became an indentured servant. Arrived in Baltimore in 1753. There is evidence that some members of the York congregation, dissatisfied with with Helrich Schaum, bought Schwerdtfeger's release from the terms of his indenture and brought him -- a nineteen year old -- to York as their pastor. Whether or not this account is true, he served in the York area (1753-1758). Preached to part of the York congregation (1753-1754) and at Canadochly and Kreutz Creek (1755-1758). Served on the Earltown parish, including Bergstrasse (1758-1763), Earl township (1758-1763), and Muddy Creek (1759-1763).

About 1759 married Anna Dorothea Schwab (born 1735), whose baptism is recorded in the Earltown register. They had nine children, one of whom married Guenther Wiegandt. In 1760 wrote to the reconvened ministerium, complaining that he had not been invited to attend. Was pastor of the Frederick parish, including Beard's and Loudon congregations, from 1763 to 1768. [Note that the Bells and Vogelers were part of the Beard's and Fredericks congregations, and they received communion from Rev. Schwerdtfeger in connection with their naturalizations during the time that he preached there.]

During these years returned to Philadelphia to be naturalized there during the September-October 1765 session of the Supreme Court, (NFP, p. 99). Resigned somewhat abruptly in 1768 and went back to Europe. Upon his return to America in 1769, found it all but impossible to obtain a parish. Tried to reinstate himself in Frederick, whose members clearly did not want him back. Several other vacant congregations were likewise uninterested in him.

The ministerium in 1770 recommended a charge on the Berks-Lehigh county border. He lived in Lynn township, Lehigh county, for several years, but was soon without a position. In 1773, according to Muhlenberg's journal, the ministerium took up 'the necessary provision for Pastor Shwerttfeger, who has no position, has a wife and five children, and lacks the wherewithal for a living.' (MJ 2:547)

In the following year, Schwerdtfeger found his 'wherewithal' in New York. Served Albany (1774-1784) and Hosek, or Feilstown, (1777-1788). During the revolution he espoused the British cause, although moderately enough so that he was allowed by his congregation to continue preaching. In 1786 he was one of the founding members of the New York Synod.

In 1790 accepted a call from a congregation made up of loyalists who had established the town of Williamsburgh in what became Dundas county, Ontario. Later that year he dedicated what has been called the first Protestant church in Canada. Two years later, became pastor of a second congregation, at Matilda.

During the 1780's and 1790's he tried to improve his still poor financial situation by claiming land grants from the British government on the strength of his stand as a loyalist during the revolution.Died in 1803 at Williamsburgh and was buried there. Sources: Information received from the Landeskirliches Archiv, Nuernberg; Arhibald F. Bennet, A Guide to Genealogical Research (Salt Lake City, 1951), PP 116-126; Beale M. Schmucher, "The Lutheran Church in York, Pa."; Lutheran Quarterly (18 (1888): 493-494; MJ; DH; James Croil, Dundas: or a Sketch of Canadian History (Belleville, Ontario, 1972), pp. 250-252, 313, reprint of an 1861 edition: Ontario Historical Society Publications 26:317-318 and 31:33.

The Schwerdfeger Connection to Vogeler and Bell

Schwerdfeger became the minister in charge of the Monocacy Church, while Johann Freiderich Vogeler may have been part of that congregation and also had responsibilities for smaller congregations known as Jacob's and Beard's churches very close to the farmlands purchased by Anthony and Peter Bell.

We know from surviving documents that Anthony Bell, Peter Bell and Johann Friederich Vogeler all received Lutheran communion from Schwerdfeger in connection with and as a prerequisite to becoming naturalized citizens of Maryland. Even though Queen Anne initially conferred the Maryland proprietorship on Lord Baltimore as a haven for English Catholics, by the mid 1700's, King George III required all new immigrants to Maryland who wished to own land and have rights of citizenship to take communion in a Protestant faith (Jews excepted) and swear or affirm allegiance to the King after living in the colony for at least seven years. Since King George came from German speaking Prussia, German Protestants were thought likely to be good subjects.

The Maryland Provincial Court records, which I personally examined on October 19, 2006, contain the following entry:

Provincial Court Judgements, 53 Judgements DD9 1765. George Keeler, Peter Bell and Jacob Wacker of Frederick County German Protestants come into Court here between the hours of nine twelve of the Clock in the Forenoon of the thirteenth Day of September One in the pursuance of an Act of Parliament made and [???] in the Thirteenth Year of his late Majesty King George the Second Instituted "An Act for the Naturalizing such foreign Protestant and such others therein mentioned as are Settlers or shall Settle in any of his Majesty's Colonies in America" pray to have the Several Oaths appointed by the said Act Administered to them they having produced the following Certificate of their having received the Sacrament //to wit// These is to certify all Mon where these presents shall concern that George Keeler, Peter Bell and Jacob Wacker Natives of Germany but now residents in Frederick County in the Province of Maryland did in the 20th day of August in the Year of our Lord."

A similar proceeding followed the communion of Anthonius Bell and Johann Freiderich Vogeler among others:

253. September 12, 1764 September 4, 1764 DD- 6,281

Bell, Anthonius of Frederick County, German
Cammerer, Ludwig German, Communion only
Giesert, Frederick of Frederick County, German
Huber, Adam of Frederick County, German
Kohler, George of Frederick County, German
Mong, Nicklas of Frederick County, German
Ritter, Jacob of Frederick County, German
Stephan, Andreas of Frederick County, German
Vogler, John Frederick of Frederick County, German

Lutheran, Frederick County Schwordfeger
wit Conrad Hogmire, Ludetig Funk, Dewald Scheffer

We probably have the Reverend Scherdtfeger to thank for the absence of any record of marriage for either Peter Bell to Elizabeth Vogeler or Anthony Bell to Maria Schneeberger. Most likely they were both married by Schwerdtfeger in one of the rough hewn log churches built near their farms or at the Monocacy church in Frederick. Schwerdtfeger was a notoriously poor recordkeeper, except when it came to the births and baptisms of his own children. As we will see in the next segment, the vital records for the families of Peter and Anthony become more frequent and regular as they begin to prosper and take a prominent position in the devloping western Maryland community.

Thursday, January 3, 2008

FOUNDING MOTHERS AND FATHERS -- BELLS AND VOGELERS

WHERE DID THEY COME FROM?

Where did they come from? How did they get here? These were the questions put to my Great Niece Desirae to investigate and report upon over the past Christmas holiday. What about the Bells? This was the question repeatedly put to me to investigate and report upon by my Mother some five years ago. Desirae, I understand, handed in her report on time. Mine is long overdue, and still incomplete.

The Scarcity of Records

We do not yet have direct documentary evidence either as to the place of origin or as to the time and route taken by the first known Bell ancestors who arrived in colonial Maryland sometime between around 1750 and 1756. No corroborated ship arrival lists or emigration documents have been found for Peter Bell (1736-1778) and Anna Elizabeth Vogeler Bell (1741-18??). Elizabeth's father and mother, Johann Friederich Vogeler, may be the same person who shows up in one of three ship arrival lists for Philadelphia, but Vogeler is a common name and corroborative evidence must still be found to tie him to one of the possibilities.

An abundance of indirect and circumstantial evidence points to the lower Rhine region as the probable European home of the Bells. One of their grandchildren, a German speaking Lutheran Minister, wrote in a short biography published in the History of the Maryland Synod that Peter Bell came from Alsace. Another descendant and usually accurate genealogist, Herbert C. Bell, wrote in The History of the Leitersburg District that Peter Bell's brother, Anthony Bell, "learned his trade in Weisbaden," an area located on the lower Rhine close to the region known as Alsace. He also said, "Captain Peter Bell was probably a native of Germany and emigrated to America in early manhood. Definite information regarding his personal history begins with the year 1767, when he purchased from Peter Shiess a tract of 248 acres, part of the larger original survey called All That's Left, to which he gave the name of Bell's Choice." Even today, a sign marks the boundary to Bell's Choice about 100 yards from the little bridge that crosses the Antietam Creek on the Mason-Dixon line that still defines the border between Pennsylvania and Maryland.

Clues from other Bell Immigrants

Another indirect way of narrowing the possible European origin makes use of the frequency of a surname appearing in the tax records, church registers (kirchenbuch) and other documents. One problem encountered when using this method arises from the changing and variable orthography of the time. In the colonial Maryland records, Peter and Anthony variously appear as Bella, Beala and Beil in addition to Bell. Other possbilities include Behler, Beiler and Bellerin among others. We cannot rule-out the possibility that Bell came into use in the colonies as the English equivaent for the German word for Bell, i.e. Klinger. However, the German word closest to Bell comes from the Latin root shared with the English word belicose, and suggests a military origin.

Another narrowing approach makes use of well-researched genealogies of other German-speaking Bells. Beginning in 1709, several substantial waves of German-speaking farmers emigrated from the entire length of Rhine Valley from its headwaters in Switzerland to the lower regions in present day France and Germany. That 1709 group included at least one family bearing the Bell name; however that group, after a stay in a refugee camp near London, settled in the Schoharie region of present day New York. They suffered greatly at the hands of English governors wishing to exploit them as indentured servants for the purpose of harvesting tar and pitch from trees for use as ship stores. These Germans negotiated separately with the Iroquois to resettle on their lands, fought in the French and Indian Wars and many were massacred, including several of the Bells among them. Conrad Wiser lead a large party of the surviving German Lutherans out of New York to resettle in Pennsylvania. At least one of the families associated with Wiser eventually settled near Frederick, Maryland and was a charter member of the same church that may be associated with Johann Frederick Vogeler. However, no direct connection between Wiser and Peter and Anthony Bell has surfaced.

Another German speaking Bell family turns up in the resettlement of Nova Scotia after the English deported the Hugonauts, poetically immortalized by Longfellow's Evangeline. That line of German speaking Bells, carefully researched and documented by Winthrop Bell in his, does not appear to connect to the Anthony and Peter Bell line.

The Bell name and variants also appear in family lines from Scotland, Ireland and England, families who also settled in Pennsylvania, Maryland and Virginia as well as North and South Carolina. Some bad genealogical research by Fielder Beall, frequently cited and copied, arbitrarily assigned Peter and Anthony to an English Bell family which had settled many years earlier in the Sommerset area in the Maryland Tidewater region.

Why Did the Bells Leave Alsace?

We can speculate about Peter and Anthony's reasons for leaving their homeland based on the extensive research on the several waves of German-speaking immigrants who left the Rhine Valley for the Americas before, during and after they appeared in Maryland.

The region suffered the scourges of war, famine and religious strife for most of the 17th and early part of the 18th century. Naturally, the vast amounts of inexpensive unsettled land, promises of religious toleration and freedom from the ravages of war and also military conscription attracted many immigrants, a large number of which had to sell themselves as indentured servants for a period of seven years or more to pay for their passage to America. Some immigrants came as part of organized religious groups, and these immigrants generally
had some capital assets resulting from inheritance and acquired wealth.

Each of the successive waves of German speaking immagrants to America in the first half of the 18th Century resulted, in part, from a combination of promotions by the Proprietors and land speculators seeking to promote immigration for the settlement of the frontier. Of course, every wave sent letters back to their homelands, and this too, fostered further emigration.

German Speaking Arrivals through Baltimore and Annapolis

Although some connection may yet be found between the Schoharie Bells and Peter and Anthony, more likely Peter and Anthony came directly from their homeland on the lower Rhine to Maryland through the port of Annapolis or the Port of Baltimore. No 18th Century ship lists survive from the emigrant arrivals through these Maryland Ports, but other documents from the time attest to several vessels of German-speaking families arriving in the 1750's. Williams and McKinsey in History of Frederick County Maryland concluded from an examination of entries fround in the Colonial records at Annapolis that 1060 German emigrants arrived by that route between 1752 to 1755. "The ship Integrity arrived at Annapolis Sept. 18, 1752 from Cowes, J. Coward, Master, brought according to the record the baggage of 150 Palatine passengers. September 19, 1753, the ship Barclay, J. Brown, Master, landed 160 Palatines at Anapolis. The ship Friendship, from Cowes, land 300 Palatines at Annapolis, November 18, 1753 and 450 on January 16, 1755." Vol. 1, p. 7.

I examined a microfilm copy of these port records at the Maryland Historical Society in January 2008. Many other ship arriving at Annapolis refer directly to numbers of indentured servants and convicts arriving from Cowes, not just baggage, but indivudals are not named. We know that individuals arrived with their baggage in some cases, for example, Mr. Christopher Bartholomew Mayer, ancestor of Charles F. Mayer, a president of the B&O Railroad Company, made famous nationally and eternally by the Monopoly board game. He came on the ship Patience Capt. Hugh Steel, Master, arriving at Annapolis on October 4, 1752, bearing a letter dated London July 9th, 1752 from Caecilius Calvert, one of the proprietors of Maryland, to Benjamin Tasker. By separate letter of the same date, Calvert commends to Tasker "a number of Palatines" which he "desires you will give such necessary assistance to these people on their arrival to forward them to Manockesy [one of the variant spellings of Monocacy] (which I understand is in Frederick County) or where else the shall want to go to settle within the province, as in your power, and that they may be accommodated in a proper manner. But the charges attending any such service to them must be done in the most moderate manner in respect to the Proprietor and to answer their requisites necessary to their service. The increase of people being always welcome, your prudence would have supplied this letter in a kind reception of them; nevertheless as particular occasions may require your favour, I conclude my recommendation of them, in giving all possible satisfaction relating to the manner and place they shall chose to settle in Maryland."

Whether the Bell's were on this ship or another one, they found a welcome when they arrived in Maryland. They were welcomed because of their reputation as industrious farmers, tradesmen and artisans to a new land that needed and appreciated their skills and cpacity for hard work. I will conclude this first chapter on the Bells at this point, and let the reader reflect on what learning, if any, the history of the Bells arrival teaches for our current national debate on imigration.

Monday, December 10, 2007

A TALE OF TWO LADIES: CURZON AND CAMERON

This piece was first posted in 2007.  An update is in order with the advent of Downton Abbey and the loose connection of the Leiter family to the characters in the series.  Julian Fellows, the writer and director of the series, acknowledged that the American heiress Lady Grantham payed by Elizabeth McGovern and her mother played by Shirley MacLaine were of a type characteristic of Victorian society as recounted in To Marry an English Lord: Victorian and Edwardian Experience by Gail MacColl, Carol Wallace, which contains copious references to Mary Victoria Leiter.   The permanent presence of Levy Z. Leiter in a Washington,  DC cemetery has also been the subject of a lcoal interest piece in the Washington Post. 
http://www.washingtonpost.com/local/is-that-a-greenhouse-no-its-a-tomb/2013/01/12/5fd2256e-5b3c-11e2-88d0-c4cf65c3ad15_story.html

The appearance of the Washington Post piece, and its focus on residence after death, prompted some further research a necessary correction to note that Mary Victoria Leiter's final abode is a Gothic Chapel, not a replica of the Taj Mahal.  There is an exquisite Taj Mahal model at Kedleston, probably related to George Curzon's efforts to restore it while Viceroy of India, but perhaps also because of his beloved wife's fascination with it.

****

I might have named this piece the "Princess and the Pauper" or "Country Mouse, City Mouse" after one or the other of two memorable yarns from the Ginn Reader of my elementary school days. As you will soon see, these two remarkable women of the late 18th and early 19th century have almost diametrically opposite, but equally dramatic, arcs to their lives and careers.

Evelyn Cameron, the daughter of a wealthy upper middle class English merchant, married an impoverished Scot ornithologist and set out to raise polo ponies in eastern Montana. When that enterprise failed, catastrophically, she turned to photography and the hard work of wresting productive crops from the Badlands of Montana to make ends meet and to care for her hapless husband. She left an astonishing legacy of photographs and a painstakingly detailed account of her life in diaries spanning three decades in Montana, a worthy life well-lived as beautifully recounted in Donna Lucey's book, Photographing Montana : 1898-1924 The Life and Work of Evelyn Cameron and also in the PBS Documentary largely based on the book. Evelyn appears atop one of her favorite horses in a photo of her own composition. In other self-portraits, she appears with an eagle perched on her arm and her perched on a natural arch high above a ravine carved from the desolate landscape.





Mary Victoria Leiter, the daughter of a fabulously wealthy department store and real estate magnate from Chicago, was reared by her socially ambitious mother to be a stunning debutante in the highest social and political circles of Washington, DC and London. She did, in fact catch the eye of the rising George Curzon, soon to be Lord Kedleston and then soon after that Viceroy Curzon of India with Mary Victoria as his Vicereine. Levy Leiter, her father, sealed the terms of the highly successful marriage by transferring enough wealth to unencumber the heavily debt ridden Kedleston estate. She appears in the picture in the famous "peacock gown" that she designed especially for the coronation of her husband and herself. The Indian peacock, pictured below, inspired the costume and materials of which it was made.








By this time you should be wondering why these two women should be crowded into the same space, apart from the whims and whimsy of the writer. The answer: they serve as book-ends to a genealogical tale of time and circumstance. Mary Leiter, like all of the Bell relatives who are following this saga, descends from Johann Friederich Vogeler and his wife Anna Maria (possibly Julianna), who arrived in Maryland around 1750, received communion as an Evangelical Lutheran at the same time and from the same pastor (Schwerdtfeger) as Peter and Anthony Bell, most likely in the first organized congregation near what is now known as the Leitersberg District in Washington County, Maryland. In 1769, Johann Friedrich Vogeler signed the constitutional articles of St. John's Lutheran Church in Hagerstown, Maryland though probably not may the Johann Friederich Vogeler who signed the 1747 constitution, written by Reverend Muhlenberger, for the Monocacy congregation near present day Frederick Maryland, where Schwerdtfeger also served for a time as the pastor.

The Vogelers had three daughters. Two married Leiters and the other, Elizabeth, married Peter Bell. The Bells bought land on the Mason-Dixon line where the stone house started by Peter and finished by his oldest son Frederick still stands on a farm still known as Bell's Choice. Peter also became a successful merchant leading up to the Revolutionary War, when he served on the Committee for Observation for the Elizabeth Hundred, then as Captain of a company of Maryland militia in the Pennsylvania Campaign and may have spent the winter of 1777-78 in Valley Forge before succumbing to the rigors of the campaign. His family buried him, and he rests still, where the west wing of the current configuration of St. John's Lutheran Church stands in Hagerstown, Maryland.

Many of the Leiters belonged to the same churches, were educated in the same schools and were buried in the same cemeteries as the Bells. Their names appear as witnesses on each others' wills and deeds. The following generations of the Leiters, like the Bells, moved west. Levi Leiter did not do well in school and had no inclination toward farming. He struck out on his own and ended up in Chicago. It turned out that he had a knack and a nose for the dry goods business and also a sense for the real estate market.

He co-founded the Field and Leiter dry goods business which developed into the Marshall Field retail empire. He had a falling out with Field and then devoted his attention to acquiring (and insuring) a lot of Chicago real estate. The famous Chicago fire had little effect on his fortune. The Leiter family moved to Washington, DC in 1881 and entered the exclusive circle of official society there. They lived for several years in the former home of James G. Blaine near DuPont Circle, about two blocks from where I have practiced law for the last quarter century or so. That residence not being substantial enough to reflect their social status, the Leiters then built a massive mansion immediately on the socially exclusive DuPont Circle, since replaced by a 200 room hotel.


Mary Victoria Leiter came out as a debutante in DC. To prepare the way, she learned and, by all accounts, perfected the necessary social skills: dancing, singing, music and art. These she acquired at home from tutors and learned French from her French governess. Mother Leiter arranged for a Columbia University professor to teach her history, arithmetic and chemistry. The Leiters traveled and lived abroad to cultivate her powers of observation and breadth of mental vision at an early age. In the vernacular of the times and class, her poise and finish made her charming to those with mature and brilliant intellect. Her younger sisters did not "finish" quite so well, but Mary's accomplishments, in the end, was a rising tide that lifted all boats.

Mary stood a striking six feet tall with a perfect hourglass figure. She had large grey eyes set in an oval face, glossy chestnut-brown hair drawn back into a loose knot at the nape of her neck, and delicate hands and feet. She debuted in DC in the winter of 1888. Most accounts hailed her as an equal in beauty and breeding, and frequently the peer in manner and intellect, of daughters of better known and longer established families in eastern U.S. society. She had the good fortune to have, as her closest friend, Frances Folsom Cleveland, six years her senior and the wife of the much older President Grover Cleveland. She caught the eye of George Curzon while he lived in Washington, as he did hers, and she pursued him relentlessly until they married. Her private letters make no bones about her ambitions.

The U.S. Ambassador to the Court of St. James, Thomas F. Bayard, introduced Mary to London Society in 1894. Following a very favorable audience with Queen Victoria, she and her sisters had little difficulty igniting the interest of all available and eligible suitors, with the exception of the elusive Curzon, who seemed more deeply engrossed in politics and his scholarly studies. Had it not been for the desperate economic straits of the Kedleston estate, the marriage might not have come about. But her uncommon persistence paid dividends eventually.

Mary Leiter and George Curzon married on 22 April 1895 at St. John's Episcopal Church in Washington D.C. Bishop Talbot, with the assistance of the Rev. Dr. Mackay Smith, the pastor of the church joined their prodigious talents, apparently because so important event required very heavy clerical lifting.

She played an important role in the reelection of her husband to Parliament that autumn. Many thought that his success had much to do with winning smiles, striking appearance, beauty and the irresistible charm of his wife than to his own speeches. Over the next decade, three daughters were born to them, but she failed (as did he) to produce the male heir so important to the aristocracy at that time.

Queen Victoria made Curzon Viceroy of India and elevated him to the Peerage of Ireland as Baron Curzon of Kedleston in the summer of 1898 at age 39. On December 30 of the same year, they arrived in Bombay, India amid royal salutes and great excitement.

In 1902, Lord Curzon organized the Delhi Durbar to celebrate the coronation of King Edward VII, "the grandest pageant in history", which created a tremendous sensation. At the state ball Mary wore an extravagant coronation gown, known as the peacock dress, stitched of gold cloth embroidered with peacock feathers with an emerald in each eye and many precious and semi-precious stones sewn into the fabric. The skirt was trimmed with white roses and the bodice with lace. She glittered with diamonds, pearls and precious stones: a huge diamond necklace and a large broach of diamonds and pearls. She wore a tiara crown with a pearl tipping each of it's high diamond points.

Lord and Lady Curzon were loudly criticized for the huge expense of this extravagant event and their own personal lifestyle, but their defenders pointed out that no money went out of the country. It all came out of the pockets of the rich and was paid into the hands of the poor. What the government and the native princes and nobles expended in their splendid displays was paid to working people who needed it, and by throwing this large amount into circulation the entire country was benefited. Imelda Marcos made a similar argument to deflect her own extravagant lifestyle at the expense of the Philippine population.

No surprise that Lady Curzon was an invaluable commercial agent for the manufacturers of the higher class of fabrics and art objects in India. She made many of them fashionable in Calcutta and other Indian cities and in London, Paris and the capitals of Europe. She placed orders for her friends and strangers. She assisted the silk weavers, embroiderers and other artists to adapt their designs, patterns and fabrics to the requirements of modern fashions. She wore Indian fabrics. She kept several of the best artists in India busy with orders and soon saw the results of her efforts revive skilled arts that were almost forgotten.

She did, however, take her vice-regal duties seriously. Lady Curzon learned Urdu from the Mohyal patriarch Bakhshi Ram Dass Chhibber. She also helped found and fund a large medical complex, the Lady Curzon Hospital in Bangalore, now known as Bowring and Lady Curzon Hospital. Progressive medical reforms were initiated by English women in India under the leadership of the Marchioness of Dufferin and Lady Curzon by supplying women doctors and hospitals for women. A Lady Curzon Hospital still operates in Bangalore. William Elroy Curtiss dedicated his book "Modern India": "To Lady Curzon, An ideal American woman."

After no so long a time in India, the tropical climate, a prolonged near fatal infection following a miscarriage and fertility related surgery eroded her health. She took convalescent trips to England, but failed to improve. When they returned to England after Curzon's resignation in August 1905, her health continued to fail rapidly. She died July 18, 1906 at home in Westminster, London, 36 years old.

Legend has it that Lady Curzon, after seeing the Taj Mahal on a moonlit night, exclaimed in her bewilderment that she was ready to embrace an immediate death if someone promised to erect such a memorial on her grave. Curzon did so at Kedleston. [NOTE:  It is unclear whether the alabaster model of the Taj Mahal at Kedleston was created for this purpose or for the restoration work that he attempted while Viceroy of India.]  He had the reputation, because of his demeanor and condescending attitude, of insufferable arrogance captured and immortalized by the doggerel of his Oxford classmates:


My name is George Nathaniel Curzon,
I am a most superior person,
My cheek is pink, my hair is sleek,
I dine at Blenheim once a week.

Nevertheless, this privileged, pampered and brilliant son of the Victorian aristocracy fell deeply in love with the finished daughter of a failed farmer turned peddler and land speculator.

Having buried Mary Victoria with her Taj Mahal, let's turn to her contemporary Evelyn Cameron, 40th on the Missoulian Newspaper (as in Missoula, Montana) list of the 100 most influential people in Montana history. Her biographer, Donna M. Lucey, summarized her life, borrowing from Evelyn's own aspirations confessed to her diary and the words of a contemporary:

"In her remote frontier world Evelyn became a respected, almost mythic figure. Yet she saw nothing unusual or noteworthy in her life. Until she died she remained very much the twenty-five-year-old pioneer woman who wrote wistfully in her diary, 'I wish I could lead a life worthy to look back upon. I am far out of the path now.' Her neighbors thought otherwise. Among her papers there is the typescript of an article by an English writer, Marguerite Remington Charter, who had visited Evelyn on a trip through Montana. Charter wrote that 'From the moment we got into Billings, Mont., we were never one whit surprised when whoever we might happen to be talking with would say: 'Oh, be sure to go to the Eve Ranch and see Mrs. Cameron, she is one of the wonders of Montana.' "

What made her one of the wonders of Montana, the big sky treasure state that boasts the most spectacular glaciers in the lower 48, the thermal wonders of Yellowstone, the moonscape wind scraped Badlands and the isolated valley where the river runs through it? As Lucey pieces together the tale from her diary and her photographs, this British woman of privilege who could have followed a path not unlike the career of Mary Victoria Leiter, fell in love with Montana and went native in her own reserved and independent way.

Evelyn Jephson Flower, born Aug. 26, 1868, on a rambling British country estate south of London, first came to Montana in 1889 on her honeymoon, a hunting trip with her newlywed husband Ewen Cameron. They met and mingled with a British expatriate community of romantic adventurers, some of whom thought they would strike it rich on the open range as cattle barons or breeders of horses, then return in their wealth and glory to their homes in England.




Her husband Ewen, a naturalist and something of a scholar, found much to observe and describe among the prairie bird species. He wrote several pieces over the years for the ornithological journal The Auk. With uncanny skill and nerve, Evelyn photographed many of these birds, including nesting eagles, in their natural habitats and without a telescopic lens. They returned to Montana within a year of the honeymoon trip with plans to take up ranching, horse raising and bird watching. Given his temperament and fragile health, Ewen succeeded with his birds and left everything else to Evelyn.



After two attempts at other ranches, one a catastrophic failure to breed and break polo ponies for the British market, they eventually settled in 1893 on a ranch they christened the Eve Ranch, for Evelyn, six miles south of Terry. To help make ends meet, Evelyn took in boarders, sold vegetables that she raised, and cooked for roundup crews. And, with a mail-order 5x7 Graflex, she taught herself photography. She began taking photographs of her neighbors and the wildlife near the ranch. She photographed cowboys, sheepherders, farm wives, homesteaders and the tough sheep-shearing crews who worked near Terry's railroad tracks. These people were the subjects of her photography, and she generally arranged them within the backdrop of the vast and empty spaces, as though she were using them for accents in a giant sized and barren English garden. The people, except for her British friends and her self-conscious self-portraits, generally feel remote from the viewer on the other side of the lens.

She did, however, fully adopt and thrive on the hard-scrabble work ethic necessary to survival on the edge off the Badlands. Her weathered looks eventually made her indistinguishable in appearance (if not in speech and learning) from her subjects. "Manual labor is about all I care about," she once wrote. "I like to break colts, brand calves, cut down trees, ride and work in the garden." Ewen and her sometime boarders did little in this vein, much to her annoyance and aggravation.

Lucey portrays her, and Evelyn no doubt saw herself, as distinctly self-sufficient and at odds with conventional Victorian attitudes toward the role of women. She did, for example, refuse to ride side-saddle and introduced the split skirt which apparently caused some commotion among the citizens of Miles City. She also prided herself on her swimming ability, venturing to cross the Yellowstone in current when many of the cowboys and others feared to do so.
My sense is that Evelyn's self-sufficiency was widely admired among the XIT cowboys and the German-Russian farming community, two groups with which she shared her attitudes and work ethic.

There may have been some division of labor among the men and women in the farming community; they did, after all, average about 10 children per family, and none, so far as I know were birthed by men. Most woman, on the other hand, could and did handle a plow team, cut a cord of wood, plant and harvest a very large garden and ride a horse (though few, I expect, had ever seen a side saddle). The families worked, for the most part, on implicit and explicit assumptions of a partnership between equals, a practical necessity for scratching out a living in dry land farming.

It is tempting, but wrong, to dwell too much on facile contrasts between these two fin de siecle Victorian women, viewing Leiter as the last vestige of the bird in the gilded cage and Cameron as the pioneer, literally and figuratively, of the modern woman. Both received the benefits, albeit for different ends, of a classic liberal arts education, and both had the mental faculties to benefit greatly from it and both were highly successful in adapting it to their unique circumstances.
In the next few stories we will see how Victorian aspirations and pioneer character merged in the woman from whom the Guelffs, Bells, Siegles and Holzworths descended. I wager the reader will see shadows of Cameron's character as well as a Leiter side in all of them.

Wednesday, December 5, 2007

POSTSCRIPT TO HEAD 'EM UP, MOVE 'EM OUT

POSTSCRIPT: On December 5, 2007, a news item appeared in the New York Times reporting a recently published study on the transmission of the Spanish Influenza and other flu viruses based on, literally, an experiment on guinea pigs. The HEAD 'EM UP, MOVE 'EM OUT posting has been revised to include the article and some additional material on the westward trek from Maryland to Montana.

In one of those odd juxtapositions of genealogy and life, I spent part of yesterday in the offices of Senator Max Baucus, Montana, three steps across the hallway from the offices of Senator Benjamin Cardin, Maryland. The Cardin family and that of my father-in-law grew up together in Baltimore, Maryland, not far from where Montana and Maryland met again when my wife and I were married.

Study Shows Why the Flu Likes WinterSign In to E-Mail or Save This Print Reprints ShareDel.icio.usDiggFacebookNewsvinePermalinkBy

GINA KOLATAPublished: December 5, 2007Researchers in New York believe they have solved one of the great mysteries of the flu: Why does the infection spread primarily in the winter months? Skip to next paragraphRelatedTimes Health Guide: The FluThe answer, they say, has to do with the virus itself. It is more stable and stays in the air longer when air is cold and dry, the exact conditions for much of the flu season.“Influenza virus is more likely to be transmitted during winter on the way to the subway than in a warm room,” said Peter Palese, a flu researcher who is professor and chairman of the microbiology department at Mount Sinai School of Medicine in New York and the lead author of the flu study.Dr. Palese published details of his findings in the Oct. 19 issue of PLoS Pathogens. The crucial hint that allowed him to do his study came from a paper published in the aftermath of the 1918 flu pandemic, when doctors were puzzling over why and how the virus had spread so quickly and been so deadly.As long as flu has been recognized, people have asked, Why winter? The very name, “influenza,” is an Italian word that some historians proposed, originated in the mid-18th century as influenza di freddo, or “influence of the cold.”Flu season in northern latitudes is from November to March, the coldest months. In southern latitudes, it is from May until September. In the tropics, there is not much flu at all and no real flu season.There was no shortage of hypotheses. Some said flu came in winter because people are indoors; and children are in school, crowded together, getting the flu and passing it on to their families.Others proposed a diminished immune response because people make less vitamin D or melatonin when days are shorter. Others pointed to the direction of air currents in the upper atmosphere. But many scientists were not convinced.“We know one of the largest factors is kids in school — most of the major epidemics are traced to children,” said Dr. Jonathan McCullers, a flu researcher at St. Jude Children’s Research Hospital in Memphis. “But that still does not explain wintertime. We don’t see flu in September and October.”As for the crowding argument, Dr. McCullers said, “That never made sense.” People work all year round and crowd into buses and subways and planes no matter what the season.“We needed some actual data,” Dr. McCullers added.But getting data was surprisingly difficult, Dr. Palese said.The ideal study would expose people to the virus under different conditions and ask how likely they were to become infected. Such a study, Dr. Palese said, would not be permitted because there would be no benefit to the individuals.There were no suitable test animals. Mice can be infected with the influenza virus but do not transmit it. Ferrets can be infected and transmit the virus, but they are somewhat large, they bite and they are expensive, so researchers would rather not work with them.To his surprise, Dr. Palese stumbled upon a solution that appeared to be a good second best.Reading a paper published in 1919 in the Journal of the American Medical Association on the flu epidemic at Camp Cody in New Mexico, he came upon a key passage: “It is interesting to note that very soon after the epidemic of influenza reached this camp, our laboratory guinea pigs began to die.” At first, the study’s authors wrote, they thought the animals had died from food poisoning. But, they continued, “a necropsy on a dead pig revealed unmistakable signs of pneumonia.”Dr. Palese bought some guinea pigs and exposed them to the flu virus. Just as the paper suggested, they got the flu and spread it among themselves. So Dr. Palese and his colleagues began their experiments.By varying air temperature and humidity in the guinea pigs’ quarters, they discovered that transmission was excellent at 41 degrees. It declined as the temperature rose until, by 86 degrees, the virus was not transmitted at all.The virus was transmitted best at a low humidity, 20 percent, and not transmitted at all when the humidity reached 80 percent.The animals also released viruses nearly two days longer at 41 degrees than at a typical room temperature of 68 degrees.Flu viruses spread through the air, unlike cold viruses, Dr. Palese said, which primarily spread by direct contact when people touch surfaces that had been touched by someone with a cold or shake hands with someone who is infected, for example.Flu viruses are more stable in cold air, and low humidity also helps the virus particles remain in the air. That is because the viruses float in the air in little respiratory droplets, Dr. Palese said. When the air is humid, those droplets pick up water, grow larger and fall to the ground.But Dr. Palese does not suggest staying in a greenhouse all winter to avoid the flu. The best strategy, he says, is a flu shot.It is unclear why infected animals released viruses for a longer time at lower temperatures. There was no difference in their immune response, but one possibility is that their upper airways are cooler, making the virus residing there more stable.Flu researchers said they were delighted to get some solid data at last on flu seasonality.“It was great work, and work that needed to be done,” said Dr. Terrence Tumpe, a senior microbiologist at the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.Dr. McCullers said he was pleased to see something convincing on the flu season question.“It was a really interesting paper, the first really scientific approach, to answer a classic question that we’ve been debating for years and years,” he said.As for Dr. Palese, he was glad he spotted the journal article that mentioned guinea pigs.“Sometimes it pays to read the old literature,” he said.

Monday, December 3, 2007

MOTHER LODE IN MARSH MONTANA

In genealogy, more often than not, better to be lucky than smart, though repeated attempts to get in luck's way does seem to improve the odds. On a recent junket to Billings, Montana, to celebrate Uncle Bill's 100th birthday, my sister and I tacked on a scenic, though short, two day trip to Miles City and Glendive. For those of you on the right and left coasts, the 460 mile circuit takes the average Montana driver a little bit under 6 hours. For those of you who know Montana, using "scenic" to describe a trip anywhere in the state is, of course, unnecessary.

In the Holzworth tradition (shared with the Great Santini), we set off from Billings before the crack of dawn. However, dawn did catch us partway to Miles.

Among several objectives, we intended to stop coming or going at the Evelyn Cameron Museum in Terry, Montana. The little town of Terry (Pop. 600 or so) figures in the family history as the place where grandfather Dudley Howard Bell died of the Spanish Influenza hauling a wagon load of sugar beets to the railhead in September 1918 and again when Dick and Doris Holzworth eloped on her 18th birthday (January 30, 1937) and got married there by a justice of the peace. We knew about the museum from the website, and we wanted to see full scale prints of the famous photographs many of which can be viewed on-line. I also wanted to purchase a copy of Photographing Montana by Donna Lucey, a purchase I had not done on-line thinking that perhaps the museum would get some small benefit if I purchased it in Terry instead. I did not think about the absence of a sales tax in Montana, but if I had, that reason would have been at the top of my list.

Terry fit into the return trip following a quick drive through Fallon Flats, where the church of my father's childhood had been moved from Marsh. The church, typical of Montana, had the lights on and the door unlocked, though no one at home. A high school girl waiting for the yellow rural school bus couldn't tell us much about it, mainly because she went to a different church up the road a piece. Her eyes widened when we asked about a notorious murder that happened 70 years ago. I imagine she had something out of the ordinary to report at dinner that night.

We arrived in Terry a little before noon on Veterans' Day, but learned at the gas station on the edge of town that only the Post Office, a federal building, was closed. Everything else -- schools, banks and businesses -- swapped Veterans Day for the day after Thanksgiving. More time that way for hunting, gathering and stuffing.

We got directions to the museum, probably saving 30 seconds of driving time. Basically Terry consists of a few more streets than the number of cross-hatched lines you need for tic-tac-toe. We went to the door of the "World Famous" Evelyn Cameron museum and found posted "If door is locked, go to main museum building" with an arrow pointing to the right ---->. Posted on the door of the main museum. hand printed in heavy black permanent marker: "OFFICE HOURS OPEN Most Days About 9 or 10 Occassionally as Early as 7, But SOMEDAYS As Late as 12 or 1. WE CLOSE About 4 or 5, But Sometimes as Late as 11 or 12, SOMEDAYS OR Afternoons, We Aren't Here At All, and Lately I've Been Here Just About All The Time, Except When I'm Someplace Else, But I Should be Here Then, Too." Directly below the printed hours, tacked to the door I saw a neatly typed list of the museum directors and their home phone numbners. How nice and folksy, I thought! I called the first three, all of which had interesting and imaginative voice mail greetings, all ending in something like "Gone deer hunting, be back at the end of the season." I put my cell phone away, looked around for the hidden camera or laughing locals, saw none and walked back to the car.

Amazon.com got my book order when I returned to DC. The book arrived 4 to 5 days later and qualified for the "free shipping" treatment. All packages arriving in the mail excite a childish glee no doubt conditioned in a Pavlovian way during my formative years by the annual anticipation associated with gaily wrapped packages magically appearing under a tree that should only have produced pine cones. Freed of its corrugated restraints, the book revealed the beginning of a wonderfully crafted narrative of Evelyn Cameron's life as a rancher and photographer during part of four decades as the 19th became the 20th Century in Prairie County, Montana. Beautifully illustrating the biography, prints of a hitherto unknown archive of photos invited the eye to move through the book at a faster pace than reading, in an ordered way, would allow.

My eye caught the caption under a congregation -- upwards of fifty men, women and children -- standing in front of a church built just like the one we had seen less than an hour before in Fallon Flats. Here stood the entire 1920 congregation of the church that my father's step-father built. Somewhere in that crowd also stands my father, grandmother, aunts and uncles. One thing leads to another, and within a few days the Montana Historical Society has been enlisted to photocopy and send all Marsh, Fallon Flats and other pictures of the German-Russian community included in their collection of over 1000 Evelyn Cameron photos, one set to me and another to my Aunt who must also be frozen in time in front of that church and may be able to name nearly everyone captured there with her.

MONTANA 1948: BOOK REVIEW


A lean sparse narrative evokes, almost unerringly, the time, place and ghosts inhabiting the semi-Badlands of the northeastern Montana high line and the lives of the departed survivors. The author Larry Watson, through the voice of boy and man, lures the reader and quickly sets the hook:

"From the summer of my twelfth year I carry a series of images more vivid and lasting than any others of my boyhood and indelible beyond all attempts the years make to erase or fade them...

A young Sioux woman lies on a bed in our house. She is feverish, delirious, and coughing so scared I am afraid she will die.

My father kneels on the kitchen floor, begging my mother to help him. It's a summer night and the room is brightly lit. Insects cluster around the fixtures, and the pleading quality in father's voice reminds me of those insects--high- pitched, insistent, frantic. It is a sound I have never heard coming from him.

My mother stands in our kitchen on a hot, windy day. The windows are open, and Mother's lace curtains blow into the room. Mother holds my father's Ithaca twelve-gauge shotgun, and since she is a small slender woman, she has trouble finding the balance point of its heavy length. Nevertheless, she has watched my father and other men often enough to know where the shells go, and she loads them until the gun will hold no more. Loading the gun is the difficult part. Once the shells are in, any fool can figure out how to fire it. Which she intends to do."

A slim book of 169 pages races to the climax at the pace, intensity and inevitability of a Great Northern Empire Builder streaking and shrieking its doppler effect across the Mercer County prairie. As one of the many enthusiastic reader blurbs noted, you can start reading at 10:00 a.m. and finish in the wee hours of the morning. I think he reads very slowly.

Apart from cowboys and Indians, gun smoke and coyotes, the book mostly recounts a densely packed psychodrama of unspoken though overheard skeletons rattling in the family closet, or basement rather. For a genealogist, skeletons rattling lead to further investigations, for instance the Heid Janssen murders featured in a previous and future postings. A generation or two of separation serves to make these ghosts abstract and bearable, but the immediately surviving generation leaves most of the telling unsaid.

Those that stay with the serialized saga of the extended Bell, Holzworth, Siegle, Guelff, Metzger, Schwinden, Grein, Beck, Smith (Schmidt), Repogle, Vogeler, Mauch, Schlichenmeir, Emerick, et al families, Montana 1948 may be a useful guide to achieve some empathy with the the survivors of these tragedies.

Watson writes a well crafted story as attested by the many awards conferred upon the book, but the literary pretensions do not get in the way of a good read. Sometimes Watson does not leave quite enough to the reader's imagination, and the narrative voice becomes a little intrusive, but this hardly amounts to more than an occassional minor annoyance. Because the book strives so hard to reflect the time, mood and place, one or two anachronisms will catch the attention of the native reader, e.g. a reference to Montana State University in Bozeman when, in 1948, Montana State College in Bozeman had not yet attained university status.

Thursday, November 29, 2007

HEAD 'EM UP, MOVE 'EM OUT!

You might say, to get somewhere, you have to come from somewhere. It's almost a Euclidean axiom of the human condition. Moses came out of Egypt, wandered around the desert for a Biblical amount of time, never made it to the land of milk and honey, but had some notable adventures along the way. But for Moses, Joshua would not have led the tribe into Canaan, and so on.

Let's ratchet back a generation and a half to a farm in western Maryland and then to a homestead or two in Kansas or Missouri. Albert Bell, son of Samuel Bell and Elizabeth Smith, breathed air for the first time on June 25, 1847 on a parcel of land near a little town almost on the Mason-Dixon line called Leitersberg not far from the much larger Hagerstown on the upper Potomac River. In 1849, Samuel and Elizabeth moved the family that by then included four children to Pleasant valley near Weverton also in Maryland.

By 1850, three female slaves appeared on the list of household members, possibly part of Elizabeth's dowry as she came from Virginia stock. When Samuel moved the family west in 1852 to Hagerstown, Indiana, the slaves must have been manumitted or sold. The naming of the Indiana town after the town in Maryland probably resulted from a vote taken among the Pennsylvania Dutch, mostly from western Maryland and south central Pennsylvania, who comprised the majority of the founders. There he farmed, fathered another four children and prospered until retirement. His children, like all the children in the community, were raised, schooled and churched in a German speaking Evangelical Lutheran congregation.


But this does not get us to Missouri. The War of the Rebellion, as as it was called then, the Civil War as we call it now, broke out with the firing on Fort Sumter on April 12, 1861, when Albert Bell had not quite reached the age of 14. At least one of Albert's Bell cousins had risen to the rank of general in the Union Army, and other cousins received commissions in the Confederate Army. In 1863, Albert lied about his age and enlisted in the 9th Indiana Cavalry, 121st Regiment when just 16; left his father's homestead in Hagerstown, Wayne, Indiana; saw action in Tennessee and Georgia; was wounded and then discharged in Missouri at the end of the war. We know his name, rank and whereabouts for most of his life from census and military pension records.

In the army, Albert served under Lieutenant Colonel Eli Lily. Appalled by the loss of life due to poor medical equipment and care, Lily devoted his career after the war to building a large pharmaceutical company, which bears his name. Lt. Col. Lily has the mustache, but no beard, in the picture to the left.

After discharged from the army, Albert Bell met up and married Lucinda Metzger on September 28, 1871 in Lawrence, Douglas, Kansas. Samuel must have known Lucinda from his childhood days in Hagerstown, Indiana, where they both most likely attended the same German speaking Evangelical Lutheran Church and school. The Metzker family moved west to Missouri right after the civil war. Astute readers, like my brother, will notice three different spellings of Metsker in this paragraph. These are not typographical errors. The genealogical records contain instances of each variation, the kind of inconsistency that occurs with increasing frequency the further that we dig into the past. Just wait to see what happens when we try to trace the arrival and movements of the first Bell ancestors in Colonial Pennsylvania and Maryland!



Albert and Lucinda began to raise a family and had six children by 1888, all but the first born surviving to adulthood. Albert and Lucinda named them, in order of birth, Minnie, Charley, Victoria, Walter, Dudley and Vincent. In the picture to the left, Dudley appears on the far left behind the sitting dog and Charley next to Albert with the dog standing of its hind legs. Walter and Victoria fill out the line-up and Vincent may be inside Lucinda making the probable date of the picture 189 .



Charley Bell, born on September 28, 1874, probably struck out on his own before any of the others. Around the turn of the century, he joined up with the XIT ranch in Texas as a cowboy and went north on a cattle drive that ended at the rail head in Glendive, Montana. From there he spent some time on the XIT ranch in Dawson County, then became the first sheriff of McCone County, formed by carving off pieces of Dawson and Richland Counties in 1919. As of the 2000 census, McCone boasted a population of 1,977 people, 810 households, and 596 families. A sing once posted on the "city" limits of Circle, the McCone County seat tells the story of how it came to be.



Evelyn Cameron, a British expatriate and rancher, photographed the cowboys working for the XIT. Most of her collection can be viewed on-line at http://www.evelyncameron.com/. Two of her photographs show an XIT herd crossing the Yellowstone near Terry, MT and the XIT outfit working that drive.
For present purposes, Wikipedia tells us all we need to know about the origins of the XIT ranch:

"In 1879, the Sixteenth Texas Legislature appropriated 3,000,000 acres (12,000 km²) of land to finance a new state capitol. In 1882, in a special legislative session, the Seventeenth Texas Legislature struck a bargain with Charles B. and John V. Farwell, under which a syndicate, led by the Farwells, agreed to build a new $3,000,000.00 Texas State Capitol and accept the 3,000,000 acres (12,000 km²) of Panhandle land in payment.

The ranch started operations in 1885 and at its peak averaged handling 150,000 head of cattle within its 1,500 miles (2,400 km) of fencing. The ranch also erected 325 windmills and 100 dams across its land.

The famous XIT brand imprinted on the backside of the ranch's cattle arose from the low-cost, practical use of a single-bar brand being able to make an "X", an "I" and a "T" with a single heat iron (no custom-ordered shape being required!).




However timing was bad for the XIT as cattle prices crashed in 1886 and 1887. By the fall of 1888, the ranch was unable to sell its cattle and break even. The cattle on the ranch were constantly plagued by cattle rustlers and predators, especially wolves leading to further losses for the syndicate.

In 1901, the syndicate that owned the ranch, began selling off the land to pay off foreign investors as the bonds became due. By 1905, most of the land was subdivided, with large tracts being sold to other cattlemen and small amounts of land being sold to farmers. The last of the XIT cattle were sold on November 1, 1912, and land sales subsequently increased."

Once established in Montana, Charles encouraged his younger brother Dudley born December 20, 1887 in Carthage, Missouri, to join him. Most likely Dudley worked on the XIT ranch for awhile before he staked a homestead near another claim where the numerous Guelff brothers and sisters resided. Dudley may have met Elizabeth Guelff through one of her brothers, perhaps Nicholas who appears in this photograph with Charles and Dudley. Doris Bell's handwriting on the back of one print of this picture indicates that Dudley stands and Charles sits. Another print has handwriting of Elizabeth Bell on the back identifying the slouching cowboy on the right as Nicholas. Both prints are postcard pictures, the second one Dudley addressed in pencil to Elizabeth's younger sister Kathryn Guelff in Brockway, Montana, another metropolis not far from Circle. Doris Bell dates the picture "about 1916," three years after Dudley and Elizabeth married.



By 1916, two children had been born to them, Kenneth the oldest on November 21, 1914 and Lucille on January 18, 1916. Two more children came along in orderly succession, Gerald on September 19, 1917 and Doris on January 20, 1919. The family came about in sync with the annual spring planting with the children arriving on schedule after the fall harvest. A little over two months before Doris arrived, Dudley loaded up a wagon with sugar beets and headed off to the railroad station at Terry, Montana. Everyone in the house had the flu, but Dudley (as told by Doris) felt a little better and compelled to make the trip and the sale to cover a payment due on the farm mortgage. A few days later he died from an attack of the Spanish Influenza. On December 27, 1918, Charley Bell's wife, Merle Alberta Malvern Bell, also perished in the Spanish Influenza, leaving Charley with their only daughter, Joyce, one month past year fourth birthday. On the 26th of November 1921, Nicholas Guelff died of a botched appendectomy, leaving behind his bride of six years and their four small children. None of the surviving spouses remarried.


POSTSCRIPT: On December 5, 2007, a news item appeared in the New York Times reporting a recently published study on the transmission of the Spanish Influenza and other flu viruses based on, literally, an experiment on guinea pigs.

Study Shows Why the Flu Likes Winter
Sign In to E-Mail or Save This Print Reprints Share
Del.icio.usDiggFacebookNewsvinePermalink

By GINA KOLATA
Published: December 5, 2007
Researchers in New York believe they have solved one of the great mysteries of the flu: Why does the infection spread primarily in the winter months?

Skip to next paragraph
Related
Times Health Guide: The Flu The answer, they say, has to do with the virus itself. It is more stable and stays in the air longer when air is cold and dry, the exact conditions for much of the flu season.

“Influenza virus is more likely to be transmitted during winter on the way to the subway than in a warm room,” said Peter Palese, a flu researcher who is professor and chairman of the microbiology department at Mount Sinai School of Medicine in New York and the lead author of the flu study.

Dr. Palese published details of his findings in the Oct. 19 issue of PLoS Pathogens. The crucial hint that allowed him to do his study came from a paper published in the aftermath of the 1918 flu pandemic, when doctors were puzzling over why and how the virus had spread so quickly and been so deadly.

As long as flu has been recognized, people have asked, Why winter? The very name, “influenza,” is an Italian word that some historians proposed, originated in the mid-18th century as influenza di freddo, or “influence of the cold.”

Flu season in northern latitudes is from November to March, the coldest months. In southern latitudes, it is from May until September. In the tropics, there is not much flu at all and no real flu season.

There was no shortage of hypotheses. Some said flu came in winter because people are indoors; and children are in school, crowded together, getting the flu and passing it on to their families.

Others proposed a diminished immune response because people make less vitamin D or melatonin when days are shorter. Others pointed to the direction of air currents in the upper atmosphere. But many scientists were not convinced.

“We know one of the largest factors is kids in school — most of the major epidemics are traced to children,” said Dr. Jonathan McCullers, a flu researcher at St. Jude Children’s Research Hospital in Memphis. “But that still does not explain wintertime. We don’t see flu in September and October.”

As for the crowding argument, Dr. McCullers said, “That never made sense.” People work all year round and crowd into buses and subways and planes no matter what the season.

“We needed some actual data,” Dr. McCullers added.

But getting data was surprisingly difficult, Dr. Palese said.

The ideal study would expose people to the virus under different conditions and ask how likely they were to become infected. Such a study, Dr. Palese said, would not be permitted because there would be no benefit to the individuals.

There were no suitable test animals. Mice can be infected with the influenza virus but do not transmit it. Ferrets can be infected and transmit the virus, but they are somewhat large, they bite and they are expensive, so researchers would rather not work with them.

To his surprise, Dr. Palese stumbled upon a solution that appeared to be a good second best.

Reading a paper published in 1919 in the Journal of the American Medical Association on the flu epidemic at Camp Cody in New Mexico, he came upon a key passage: “It is interesting to note that very soon after the epidemic of influenza reached this camp, our laboratory guinea pigs began to die.” At first, the study’s authors wrote, they thought the animals had died from food poisoning. But, they continued, “a necropsy on a dead pig revealed unmistakable signs of pneumonia.”

Dr. Palese bought some guinea pigs and exposed them to the flu virus. Just as the paper suggested, they got the flu and spread it among themselves. So Dr. Palese and his colleagues began their experiments.

By varying air temperature and humidity in the guinea pigs’ quarters, they discovered that transmission was excellent at 41 degrees. It declined as the temperature rose until, by 86 degrees, the virus was not transmitted at all.

The virus was transmitted best at a low humidity, 20 percent, and not transmitted at all when the humidity reached 80 percent.

The animals also released viruses nearly two days longer at 41 degrees than at a typical room temperature of 68 degrees.

Flu viruses spread through the air, unlike cold viruses, Dr. Palese said, which primarily spread by direct contact when people touch surfaces that had been touched by someone with a cold or shake hands with someone who is infected, for example.

Flu viruses are more stable in cold air, and low humidity also helps the virus particles remain in the air. That is because the viruses float in the air in little respiratory droplets, Dr. Palese said. When the air is humid, those droplets pick up water, grow larger and fall to the ground.

But Dr. Palese does not suggest staying in a greenhouse all winter to avoid the flu. The best strategy, he says, is a flu shot.

It is unclear why infected animals released viruses for a longer time at lower temperatures. There was no difference in their immune response, but one possibility is that their upper airways are cooler, making the virus residing there more stable.

Flu researchers said they were delighted to get some solid data at last on flu seasonality.

“It was great work, and work that needed to be done,” said Dr. Terrence Tumpe, a senior microbiologist at the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.

Dr. McCullers said he was pleased to see something convincing on the flu season question.

“It was a really interesting paper, the first really scientific approach, to answer a classic question that we’ve been debating for years and years,” he said.

As for Dr. Palese, he was glad he spotted the journal article that mentioned guinea pigs.

“Sometimes it pays to read the old literature,” he said.